Cry has 3 letters
so does Joy.
Hate has 4 letters
so does Love.
Lying has 5
so does Truth.
Under has 5
so does Above.
Angry has 5 letters
so does Happy.
Wrong has 5 letters
so does Right.
Enemies has 7 letters
so does Friends.
Negative has 8 letters
so does Positive.
Are they by Coincidences?
It means Life is like a Double edged Sword,
We should choose the BETTER SIDE OF LIFE!
By the way,
– a WhatsApp creativity, I loved & thought of sharing.
Note: The post is intended to share & cherish the humor across general public and is not intended to cause any derogatory remarks/ statements to any institution or individual. I am not the author or publisher of the original content.
- Brainless Bomb : Is there going to be 2014? (anothercommonman.wordpress.com)
- At Bhuj college, Narendra Modi challenges, taunts Manmohan Singh (ndtv.com)
- Brainless Bomb : Everything should be in balance… (anothercommonman.wordpress.com)
- Brainless Bomb : What your father do for living? (anothercommonman.wordpress.com)
- Brainless Bomb : Are we really a Young Nation? (anothercommonman.wordpress.com)
Someone sitting outside Gujarat mostly looks the state with an eye of journalists and media. Most of them express biased view based on their material benefits, however there are some rare who look on both sides of coin. Came across one such article who spoke of Gujarat and Narendra Modi without Godhra and Muslims… sharing for everyone to make their own judgement.
The writer Ashok Malik, is a political analyst based in Delhi. He can be reached at email@example.com.
Know Narendra Modi, learn why Gujarat needs him
Why is the New Delhi media hostile to Narendra Modi? Part of the reason of course is the violence of 2002. Many journalists hold him personally responsible. A mentality that unfortunately prevails in the profession makes it impossible for them to distinguish his overarching political responsibility from individual criminality.
I would like to pose a counterfactual. What if the violence of 2002 had not occurred? Would the national media then have embraced Modi? I’m not sure. The capital’s editorial classes have a theoretical commitment to–even a worship of–some form of leftism. They are comfortable with many prevailing postulates of India’s political economy that Modi challenges. As such, even minus 2002, they would have found it difficult to accept him.
Why? Dislike of the man and distaste for the BJP are no doubt factors. Much of the reason, I would argue, is due to a fundamental misunderstanding of Gujarat, its society and its politics. Many of the political journalists and writers in New Delhi have cut their teeth in the Gangetic belt. In their political understanding, they tend to use some variation of the Uttar Pradesh template. They think of politics in north India – that is politics anywhere other than the eight states of the Northeast and the four states of the South – as broadly adhering to the trends of Uttar Pradesh.
Take a non-political example. In 1999, a super-cyclone crippled and devastated Orissa. Almost every other year, a massive flood causes havoc in Bihar and eastern Uttar Pradesh. The media has a formulaic treatment of such natural disasters. They cover stories of human suffering and absence of state support for the victims, poor infrastructure, lack of housing and shelter, food and medicine and essential supplies, and the inability of the administration to help.
The media treatment may be formulaic but it is not entirely invalid. Many of the regions named above are desperately poor. Civil society has limited capacities to cope with calamity, and dependence on the state is abnormally high. As such, if the state authorities fail, the suffering is acute.
In 2001, an enormous earthquake shook Gujarat. Its most intense impact was in the Kutch region, where the old city of Bhuj, among others, was severely damaged. Many journalists turned up in Gujarat expecting a repeat of the tragedy they had experienced in Orissa only about 18 months previously, or during similar episodes in northern India. They went out looking for pre-scripted stories – caste discrimination in relief distribution, absence of district administrators, help not reaching in time, shoddy government hospitals not being able to manage.
What they saw was very different. Gujarat has a vibrant civil society network. In the immediate aftermath of the earthquake, citizens’ groups got together and rushed help to fellow Gujaratis, often much ahead of the state. Economic and social factors in Gujarat have built enormous civil society autonomy and capacity. This is not there in many other provinces. It is not as if Gujaratis are superior people and residents of other states somehow inferior – not at all. It is just that one has to locate a state and its responses in its socio-economic context, not in a context imported from a few thousand miles away.
Civil society groups in Gujarat are vigorous and organised around one of many principles. Some are community or caste institutions, though not necessarily exclusivist. Others are professional guilds, in a sense, such as those of diamond traders with businesses in Antwerp but pouring collective resources into the village or district back home. Still others are faith-based, created by Hindu or in some cases Muslim sects.
In the longer-term rehabilitation and rebuilding following the earthquake, Modi–who took charge as chief minister nine months after that frightening morning on January 26, 2001–empowered and galvanised civil society groups and individual citizens and households, rather than bypassed them. Whole villages and towns were rebuilt, with the design of buildings and houses left to the user community rather than a bureaucrat. Third-party monitoring for seismic-resistance was insisted upon. In terms of funding, the government supplemented the contributions of individual users and/or civil society and donor institutions in a genuine public-private partnership–but one driven by society, not the state.
Modi used the opportunity for a larger reimagining of Kutch. Blessed with a spectacular landscape, Kutch has historically been a source of economic migration. People have had to leave to get jobs and set up businesses in other cities, from Mumbai to Mombasa. Modi thought out of the box. He made entrepreneurship integral to post-earthquake rehabilitation. His government offered tax concessions to companies that invested in Kutch. Today, a zone that gave its people restricted economic opportunities till the end of the 20th century is bustling with industry and is a huge job creator. The Kutch boom is a post-earthquake legacy.
Gujarat couldn’t have done this without Modi. Equally, Modi couldn’t have done this without the socio-economic framework, the go-getting, pick-yourself-up-and-run resilience of Gujarat. No wonder the man’s identification with his state is absolute. No wonder the disaster tourists of 2001, who went looking for pictures to justify their preconceived notions, don’t get it–or get him.
(…from HindustanTimes.com – Original Article Link: http://bit.ly/ToHb8S )
Recently I came across an article in TOI – Sunday edition about a small village gram panchayat being run by 12 young, educated & mostly unmarried girls. Thanks to the SAMRAS scheme being implemented by Modi’s Govt. (all secular people can read it as ‘Govt. of Gujarat’).
I believe, that if this scheme is nationally adopted and implemented, it will bring following advantages to society as whole:
– All politics related to women’s reservation bill will see a dead end, as this directly without reservation bring women to mainstream activities
– Devolution of Power, an important step to panchayat raj system adopted by India in early 70’s would become a dream.
– Young girls getting hands-on of the administrative work will give them more freedom and will help to address the evils of dowry, sati and others which are not even curbed even with all-women favoring laws
– Lastly but more important (& I put my male ego aside while writing this), women/girls have always better convincing power and flexibility to compromise for betterment, which is a need of hour for any form of Govt./Administration to effectively function.
I pray let someone in ‘Parliament’ think of replicating this SAMRAS model of social inclusion to entire country and kudos to the residents of Siswa village for openly embracing such a bold step at most unexpected form of government – Gram Panchayat.
Siswa grampanchayat’s Powerpuff Girls
Soumitra Das drives to a village in Gujarat’s Anand district to meet 12 collegians who will decide the fate of 7,000 villagers for the next five years
The floral tapestry sofas arranged in a semi circle around a smoked glass coffee table that holds a bunch of fabric roses, are not enough to seat all 12 girls. Hinal Patel pulls up a couple of chairs. Twenty three-year-old Nisha Patel adjusts her georgette dupatta to sit firmly on her slight shoulders before she whips out a pen, holding it to a notepad.
It’s a Sunday panchayat meeting. Except there are no members squatting under a shady banyan. And there are no men.
Hinal, the 25-year-old sarpanch of Siswa village in Borsad town of Anand district in Gujarat, Nisha and 10 of their friends meet every weekend to debate over the nitty gritty of running the village administration. The all-girls panchayat was appointed last month as part of the Samras scheme introduced by chief minister Narendra Modi a decade ago. Under it, as many as 254 villages have entrusted their panchayats entirely to women. The goal, say government representatives, is to avoid inter-village enmity; an inescapable outcome of election politics.
The idea has found its fans. All-women panchayats have increased from 20 in the last elections to 254. On December 29, elections were held in 10,405 villages across Gujarat, of which 2,147 opted for Samras. All members were elected unopposed. Siswa stands apart on a more interesting count. All 12 grampanchayat members are college-going girls, aged 19 to 26, excited at the thought of improving the fate of 7,000 fellow villagers.
A year ago, Hinal says she was preoccupied with landing a well-paying job after graduating from Bengaluru’s Shree Raghvendra College of Nursing. Today, it’s the challenge of renovating the old bus stand at the far end of Siswa that’s taking up her time.
“I said an instant ‘yes’ when my father asked me if I was ready to take up the responsibility,” says Hinal, flashing a dimpled grin. Her parents Shailesh and Pravinaben Patel have served as village heads too.
For the last three terms, Siswa has been unanimously electing a woman sarpanch under Samras, says Shailesh. “Five years ago, we appointed an all-women panchayat and it worked wonderfully. Women are convincing. Villagers tend to listen to them better. This time, we decided to go a step further and appoint young, educated girls who are brimming with fresh ideas.”
The 12 girls on the final list fitted the criteria. They had to be educated, single, and belong to the same village. Twenty-year-old engineering student Radha Patel went to the same school as Hinal, and lives a two-minute drive away in an oldworld home that boasts high wooden beam ceilings. On the drive there, past a string of temples (“there are 15 in all!”), she makes it a point to mention her father, Vijay Patel, who despite being a modest farmer made sure she stuck to academics. Radha calls the opportunity a “Godsend”, leaving her overwhelmed at the thought of thousands backing her in support. It’s the primary healthcare centre that tops her list of priorities. Equipping it with new-age facilities, and setting up an educational institution that will offer Siswa’s students the option of pursuing science without having to relocate to Vidyanagar, are number one and two on her checklist.
For Nisha, working in a team is hardly a bother. The manager at a motorbike showroom heads a group of 25 staffers. “But I wasn’t sure if I’d manage to balance both. My mother was adamant. She convinced me, and I’m glad she did,” she says, sharing their latest plan of putting Siswa on the e-map with launching a website to help the community converge on a common platform. “And yes, we’d like to increase employment opportunities through gruh udyog (small scale entrepreneurship).”
In indigenous Indian fashion, the team picked the palanquin as their election symbol. “It symbolized the idea of carrying on our administrative responsibilities even if we relocate after marriage.” Ironically, the thought of wary elders inching away from the girls, hardly keen on taking empowered women home, is far from their minds. “No one is forcing them to marry us. Times have changed,” says Radha.
And for critics who point fingers at the incentivedriven scheme (the Modi government has raised the incentive for an all-women Samras panchayat controlling a village with a population of 5,000 to 15,000, to Rs 5 lakh), Siswa’s sarpanch has this to say: “When they select all-male panchayats under Samras, nobody seems to have a problem.”
Author of Article – Soumitra Das
TOI original article link – Click Here
It has been long time we have been foolishly (intelligently to gain political advantages) speaking on the Gujarat Riots and Narendra modi. A recent article by Economist in their print edition highlights both the pros and cons of the State of Gujarat. One thing I understand out of the article is the clear path being showed to India, on how to prosper as world powerhouse.
I will still argue with author on the some example he sighted on the ‘healing wounds’ because yes they exists but doesn’t reflect the correct sentiments… but yes they do exists and will always be there till all the politicians shed their ‘divide and rule’ policy and i fear it will never practically happen. A suggest to read the article and post your own inferences of Gujarat and its development politics…
Recently, I came across an interesting article by well known writer, Chetan Bhagat. I like to share the same article with you, b’coz it views the world without glasses.
Personally speaking, I don’t agree with all the myths or points Chetan Bhagat has mentioned, but I do believe, the analysis of the situation is indeed near accurate… worth reading…
A article on Gujarat aptly represent the Gujarat… kudos to writers… must read…
It is a commentary on the bizarre priorities of our information order that investment commitments totalling $450 billion, equalling nearly one-third of India’s GDP, are either ignored or put on par with anodyne political statements. This, however, is not the occasion to lament the lack of even-handedness in the treatment of anything remotely connected to Gujarat chief minister Narendra Modi . It is the time to celebrate something that is fast becoming undeniable: the emergence of Gujarat as the economic powerhouse of India.
Last week, there was a stark contrast between a Gujarat bubbling with optimism and the rest of the country despairing over economic mismanagement and missed opportunities. It is not that all the MoUs signed at the fifth Vibrant Gujarat summit will be translated into reality. Many will remain paper commitments. But when the who’s who of Indian industry line up to proclaim their faith in Gujarat as a wholesome place for investment, having already put their money where their mouth is, neither India nor the rest of the world can afford to be in denial.
The proclamations of faith in Gujarat are all the more meaningful because they have been made despite the Centre’s unremitting displeasure with anything that could bolster Modi’s credentials. Modi doesn’t usually win awards for being the “Reformer of the Year” or for innovative governance. In fact, he doesn’t even make it to the shortlist. But he has invariably secured an unequivocal thumbs-up from those who have a real stake in the emergence of India as a world economic power.
The skeptics, who insist that the rise and rise of Gujarat has little to do with the state government, are partially right. Entrepreneurship and business are part of the Gujarati DNA, a reason why Mukesh Ambani stated that Reliance Industries has always proudly cloaked itself in the Gujarati business ethos. But Gujaratis have been under no obligation to sink their money into Gujarat: from Dholera to Durban, the world has been their karmabhoomi.
The reason Gujarat has registered the highest, double-digit GDP growth in the past decade owes much to the targeted, business-friendly approach of its government. Four features stand out. The first is quick decision-making—what Modi has dubbed the “red carpet, not red tape” approach. Ratan Tata, for example , recounted how the land allotment for the Nano project was completed in just three days, a quick-fire decision that has fetched Gujarat some Rs 30,000 crore in Tata group investments and direct employment for some 50,000 people.
The second feature is the curious phenomenon of the near-absence of political corruption at the top. Even Modi’s worst enemies will not deny that the chief minister’s fanatical personal integrity has had a salutary trickle-down effect. Irritated by politically inspired extortion, industry has identified Gujarat as a place where it is possible to do ethical business.
Third, Gujarat since 2002 has been marked by social peace. Particularly important for industry is the absence of rural unrest, which unseated Tata Motors from West Bengal and is now so marked in Maharashtra and Karnataka. This is because Gujarat has bucked a national trend and is witnessing high growth in agriculture—last year the sector grew by 9.9%. This means that farmers now have a stake in the larger prosperity of the state and aren’t swayed by populists and Maoists.
Finally, the growth of Gujarat has been spurred by a philosophy of “minimum government and maximum governance”. In plain language , this means that the state government has concentrated on creating the infrastructure for growth and left it to the private sector to get on with the job of actual wealth creation. In Gujarat, politicians don’t talk the language of class conflict; they too mirror the preoccupation with dhanda (business). So all-pervasive is the respect for enterprise that even the children’s amusement park in Ahmedabad has created kiddie games centred on the use of virtual money!
The extent to which this vibrant Gujarati capitalism will benefit Modi’s national ambitions is difficult to predict. But one thing is certain. As Gujarat shines and acquires an economic momentum of its own, more and more businesses will find it worthwhile to channel a major chunk of their new investments into Gujarat. The Centre may not like the resulting uneven growth but the alternative is not to thwart Gujarat by political subterfuge—such as preventing public sector banks from engaging with the state government and the whimsical use of environmental regulations. Gujarat has shown that accelerated and sustained growth is possible when the state plays the role of an honest facilitator, rather than a controller.
Modi didn’t create the Gujarati character; he was moulded by it. He merely gave it a contemporary thrust and an ethical dimension. If politicians focused on these, India will be a much better place.
Source: ET – http://bit.ly/gV4jTY